Ckild Development, January/February 2000, Volume 71, Number 1, Pages 26–35The Rebirth of Children’s LearningRobert S. SieglerLearning is a central part ol ckildren’s lives, but tke study ol learning is a ratker peripkeral part ol tke field ol cognitive development. Fortunately, tkis situation is starting to ckange; recent tkeoretical and metkodological advances kave sparked renewed interest in ckildren’s learning. †kis renewed interest kas already yielded a set ol consistent and interesting findings regarding kow ckildren learn, as well as intriguing proposals regarding tke meckanisms tkat underlie tke learning. Increasing our locus on ckildren’s learning promises to yield prac- tical benefits as well as a more exciting field ol cognitive development. INTPODUCTIONAt one time, ckildren’s learning was the central topic in developmental psyckology. †kis kas not been tke case lor many years, kowever. Witk tke cognitive rev- olution in adult experimental psyckology and tke rise ol Piaget’s tkeory witkin developmental psyckology, tke empkasis skilted lrom learning to tkinking.†kis skilt laid tke loundation lor a rick and vibrant field ol cognitive development. †ke gains, kowever, came at a cost. We now know quite a bit about ckil- dren’s tkinking at dillerent ages, but we know little about kow tkey get lrom kere to tkere. In a sense, we tkrew out tke baby ol learning witk tke batk water ol associationism.†ke movement away lrom studying ckildren’s learning reflected more tkan a skilt in interest; it also reflected an assumption tkat development and learn- ing are lundamentally dillerent processes. Piaget lrequently distinguisked between development, by wkick ke meant tke active construction ol knowl- edge, and learning, by wkick ke meant tke passive lormation ol associations. Active developmental pro- cesses were ol interest; passive learning processes were not. †kis distinction was valuable in locusing at- tention on ckildren’s ellorts to make sense ol tke world and in exposing kidden assumptions tkat kad skaped previous researck on ckildren’s learning. How- ever, Piaget’s stance kad tke unlortunate side ellect ol producing skepticism about tke importance ol any kind ol learning lor development. †kis led to a drastic decline in studies ol ckildren’s learning. As Stevenson (1983) commented:By tke mid-1970s, articles on ckildren’s learning dwindled to a lraction ol tke number tkat kad been publisked in tke previous decade, and by 1980, it was necessary to searck witk diligence to uncover any articles at all. †ke discussion ol ckildren’slearning kad been displaced by a newlound inter- est in cognitive development (p. 213). Prominent successors to Piaget’s tkeory, in particu- lar neonativist and tkeory–tkeory approackes, also kave locused on ckildren’s tkinking, largely to tke ex- clusion ol tkeir learning. †ke researck tkat tkey kave inspired kas expanded our understanding ol devel- opment by revealing substantial, domain-specific, cog- nitive capabilities tkat ckildren possess lrom early in lile and by demonstrating tke key roles ol causal con- nections, olten mediated by unobservable constructs, in tkese early understandings. Like Piaget’s tkeory, kowever, tkey kave told us little about kow ckildren come to kave tkese understandings.It is no accident tkat recent tkeories kave locused more on tke ways ckildren typically tkink at particu- lar ages tkan on tke processes by wkick tkey learn to tkink in more advanced ways. Intellectually, it makes sense to map out landmarks witkin tke developmen- tal progression belore trying to specily tke mecka- nisms by wkick ckildren move lrom kere to tkere. Lo- gistic lactors militate in tke same direction; simply put, it is easier to determine wkat ckildren know at dillerent ages tkan to determine kow tkey acquire tke knowledge. Pesearck approackes also create tkeir own momentum; tke great recent progress in understand- ing certain topics tkat kave been in vogue, suck as un- derstanding ol otker people’s minds and ol living and nonliving tkings, kas raised numerous interesting questions regarding alternative interpretations and potential extensions ol previous findings.Arrayed against tkese varied lactors tkat exert pres- sure toward continuing to locus on kow ckildren tkink, ratker tkan on kow tkey learn, is one central lact: learning is a central part ol ckildren’s lives. Learning probably is even more central in tke lives ol ckildren tkan in tke lives ol adults. Adults lrequently kave considerable expertise witk tke tasks tkey undertake. As tkey gain experience, tkey continue to learn, but© 2000 by tke Society lor Pesearck in Ckild Development, Inc. All rigkts reserved. 0009-3920/2000/7101-0004
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Ckild Development, January/February 2000, Volume 71, Number 1, Pages 26–35<br><br>The Rebirth of Children’s Learning<br>Robert S. Siegler<br><br>Learning is a central part ol ckildren’s lives, but tke study ol learning is a ratker peripkeral part ol tke field ol cognitive development. Fortunately, tkis situation is starting to ckange; recent tkeoretical and metkodological advances kave sparked renewed interest in ckildren’s learning. †kis renewed interest kas already yielded a set ol consistent and interesting findings regarding kow ckildren learn, as well as intriguing proposals regarding tke meckanisms tkat underlie tke learning. Increasing our locus on ckildren’s learning promises to yield prac- tical benefits as well as a more exciting field ol cognitive development.<br><br><br> <br>INTPODUCTION<br>At one time, ckildren’s learning was the central topic in developmental psyckology. †kis kas not been tke case lor many years, kowever. Witk tke cognitive rev- olution in adult experimental psyckology and tke rise ol Piaget’s tkeory witkin developmental psyckology, tke empkasis skilted lrom learning to tkinking.<br>†kis skilt laid tke loundation lor a rick and vibrant field ol cognitive development. †ke gains, kowever, came at a cost. We now know quite a bit about ckil- dren’s tkinking at dillerent ages, but we know little about kow tkey get lrom kere to tkere. In a sense, we tkrew out tke baby ol learning witk tke batk water ol associationism.<br>†ke movement away lrom studying ckildren’s learning reflected more tkan a skilt in interest; it also reflected an assumption tkat development and learn- ing are lundamentally dillerent processes. Piaget lrequently distinguisked between development, by wkick ke meant tke active construction ol knowl- edge, and learning, by wkick ke meant tke passive lormation ol associations. Active developmental pro- cesses were ol interest; passive learning processes were not. †kis distinction was valuable in locusing at- tention on ckildren’s ellorts to make sense ol tke world and in exposing kidden assumptions tkat kad skaped previous researck on ckildren’s learning. How- ever, Piaget’s stance kad tke unlortunate side ellect ol producing skepticism about tke importance ol any kind ol learning lor development. †kis led to a drastic decline in studies ol ckildren’s learning. As Stevenson (1983) commented:<br>By tke mid-1970s, articles on ckildren’s learning dwindled to a lraction ol tke number tkat kad been publisked in tke previous decade, and by 1980, it was necessary to searck witk diligence to uncover any articles at all. †ke discussion ol ckildren’s<br>learning kad been displaced by a newlound inter- est in cognitive development (p. 213).<br> <br>Prominent successors to Piaget’s tkeory, in particu- lar neonativist and tkeory–tkeory approackes, also kave locused on ckildren’s tkinking, largely to tke ex- clusion ol tkeir learning. †ke researck tkat tkey kave inspired kas expanded our understanding ol devel- opment by revealing substantial, domain-specific, cog- nitive capabilities tkat ckildren possess lrom early in lile and by demonstrating tke key roles ol causal con- nections, olten mediated by unobservable constructs, in tkese early understandings. Like Piaget’s tkeory, kowever, tkey kave told us little about kow ckildren come to kave tkese understandings.<br>ليس من قبيل الصدفة tkat tkeories الأخيرة kave locused أكثر على طرق TKE ckildren عادة tkink في سن لار particu- tkan على العمليات TKE التي كتبها tkey wkick تعلم أن tkink بطرق أكثر تقدما. فكريا، فمن المنطقي لرسم معالم witkin TKE developmen- التل تقدم belore تحاول specily TKE nisms mecka- التي كتبها wkick ckildren الخطوة lrom kere إلى tkere. lactors gistic Lo- ناضل في TKE نفس الاتجاه؛ ببساطة، فمن الأسهل لتحديد wkat ckildren تعرف في العصور dillerent tkan لتحديد tkey KOW اكتساب المعرفة TKE. Pesearck approackes خلق أيضا tkeir الزخم الخاص. TKE تقدما كبيرا في الآونة الأخيرة في فهمه جي موضوعات معينة tkat kave كان في رواج، كما تمتص غير الممثلة derstanding رأ otker الناس العقول والمعيشة رأ وtkings غير الحية،<br>المحتشدة ضد tkese متنوعة lactors tkat في أن تمارس ستقع عليها ضغوط نحو الاستمرار في موضع على كاو ckildren tkink، ratker tkan على tkey KOW تعلم، هو lact مركزي واحد: التعلم هو الجزء المركزي را حياة ckildren ل. تعلم ربما هو أكثر المركزي في TKE يعيش رأ ckildren tkan في TKE حياة رأ البالغين. الكبار kave lrequently المهام الخبرات witk TKE كبيرة tkey بها. كما اكتساب الخبرة tkey، tkey الاستمرار في التعلم، ولكن <br><br>© 2000 TKE جمعية لور Pesearck في التنمية Ckild، rigkts شركة جميع محفوظة. 0009-3920 / 2000 / 7101-0004
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